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By
Robert Garfias
The folk song type known as doina is widespread throughout most of Romania.
It may be related to and may even have its origins in the cintec de leagan,
or lullaby. In order to better comprehend the vast number of variants
which exist in Romania under the general name, doina, I compiled a short
taxonomy of all the recorded doine in my collection, including my original
field tapes recorded there in 1977.This is therefore, neither a complete
list of all known doinas nor even of all existing doina types. Since the
collection is quite extensive, however, I am confident that this taxonomy
gives a view of the great majority of Doina types.
The Doina is
always sung in free rhythm with varying degrees of embellishment and melisma.There
are a number of tune types used for these semi-improvised performances
of the doina. In this listing I have used the Romanian names for the type
or sub type as given by the peformer, but at times I added my own observed
description of the type based on similarity with others in the same category.The
items in the list are each numbered according to the order of accession
and thus the number is meaningless other than serving as a means of identifying
each individual record. Many examples appear only with the type given
as doina. Others have further descriptions based on origin, intent, tune
type or function. For further clarification, I have added here, an unpublished
article I wrote on the relationship of the Doine to Romanian urban popular
music. Included in this listing are the locations of the recordings. The
major cultural regions of Romania are Muntentia, Oltenia, Moldavia, Dobroghea,
Banat and Transylvania. During the period of my research in Romania, it
was not permitted to mention the names of these cultural and geographic
regions, nor to describe their boundries. This was perhps out of fear
of encroachment from Romania's neighbors. The major traditional cultural
regions are indicated in the map.The country was divided into smaller
regions, like counties, and these were known as judet. The name of the
judet as well as the town or city or origin are also given where ever
known.
The Development
of the Romanian Urban Gypsy Song Form
There is
no other form of musical expression which in the minds of the general
population of the Socialist Republic of Romania conjures up so clearly
the essence of all its music, and, indeed, the best of the entire artistic
expression of the culture as does the doina. This free lyrical song form
is widespread in the folk traditions of many regions of the country where
it remains strong. It is also a mainstay of all performances by the new
style State Folk Music and Dance Ensembles of Romania as well as being
regularly played by bands of professional musicians, largely made up of
Gypsies, and even frequently used by Romanian composers using the Western
European Classical tradition.
It is difficult to imagine how a form which so completely permeates the
fabric of Romanian cultural life could be anything but from an authochthonous
Romanian tradition. Yet there is much to indicate that this, at least
in part, may be the case, in spite of the fact that it is particularly
difficult to defend this idea in the context of current Romanian official
policy which disallows the possibility of foreign influence in Romanian
culture.
Certain other Romanian folk forms, generically related in style to the
doina, bear more clearly documentable traces of Turkish influence. There
are three such folk music forms which both show close parallels to the
doina and also show clear Turkish traces. These three forms are the cīntec
batrīnesc, the bocet and the shepherd's flute genre piece, cīnd ciobanu
s-i a pierdut oile. Each of these forms is interpreted in a free rhythmic
style with a high degree of ornamentation which, although distinctive,
also closely parallels the style of doina interpretation. Romanian scholars
point out that the difference between the doina and the ballad, or cīntec
batrīnesc is minimal and entirely based on a distinction between a lyric
form one the one hand and an epic or narrative on the other. Furthermore
the close stylistic relationship between the doina and the bocet - a form
of lament which is sung while expressing real grief in tears - as well
as other folk vocal forms in free rhythm is generally recognized.
The epic ballads, cīntec batrīneste are generally performed today by Gypsy
minstrels, lćutari, and in their performances usually precede the singing
of the ballad by the performance of an instrumental tachsim. In this case
both the term as well as the musical practice are clearly borrowed from
Turkish musical practice. The bocet shows such sharp parallels to other
highly stylized musical forms of personal expressions of grief found throughout
the Islamic world that one is prepared to accept that this form also has
in origins in Turkish practice. It is true however, that the broad spread
of the bocet throughout Romania and its numerous variant forms as well
as its integration into the traditional important life cycle observances
lends strength to the argument that this lament may as well be a Romanian
tradition. The shepherd's flute music consists of a long suite of instrumental
compositions played on the shepherd's flute, caval. The compositions are
highly programmatic in content, the most frequently encountered being
the story of the "Shepherd who has lost his sheep", cīnd ciobanu s-i a
pierdut oile. In the this instance both the instrument, the caval as well
as the practice of performing instrumental music of a programmatic character
are clearly related to Turkish shepherd's traditions. Here as in the previous
examples, modern Romanian scholars currently avoid direct reference to
Turkish culture choosing instead, if they must, to refer to a more general
"Oriental" influence, or to Persian-Arabic, notwithstanding historical
evidence which indicates over a hundred years of predominant Turkish and
Fanariot Greek cultural and political influence.
The doina survives in Romania today as a very widespread folk form. It
appears most frequently in the regions of Moldavia, Muntenia and Dobrogea.
Distinctive regional differences can be noted in different areas of the
country. In the Maramures, region of Northern Transylvania there is a
song form called hora lunga, horea lunga, or cīntec lung, all meaning
"long song" and referring to a song form clearly related to the doina.
In this instance the word hora does not refer to the well-known dance
form hora, which word comes into Romanian probably from Bulgarian (horo).
The hora lunga of Maramures derives instead from horea, the Romanian word
meaning "oration".
Since the doina is an expressive song form in free rhythm, highly ornamented
and one which offers the singer great scope for individual expression,
the possibilities for influence from other music styles is great. Although
the doina as it is performed today is distinctively Romanian in character,
it is significant that the area in which it survives today, with the exception
of Maramures, represents that part of Romania in which the Turkish influence
was strongest. Some Romanian scholars suggest that the doina may have
its origins in the cīntec de leagan, or lullaby. While there is some merit
to this argument it is also true that the cīntec de leagan , being also
a free form performed in personal and unstructured context may have equally
been influenced by the doina itself.
A more significant
argument is raised by the Romanian musicologist, Gheorghe Ciobanu, who
notes that there are notable parallels between the Muntenian doina of
the subcarpathian region and that of the hora lunga of Maramures,, from
which he infers the possibility that the form of the doina may originate
in a very ancient Daco-Thracian strata dating back to a time when the
tribes of what is now the North and South of Romania were united. Thus
we have several possibilities, that the doina was, in fact, an ancient
expressive form of the earliest Romanians and has remained so, that the
above is true but that the form has been subjected to various influences
since that time including some which are of unmistakable Turkish character,
or finally, that the form is one borrowed from Turkish models.
While the actual origins of the doina remain of necessity unclear, a certain
amount of Turkish influence is evident and undeniable in spite of the
current Romanian policy which denies it. This influence is most noticeable
in the use of tonal systems which are related to the system of Turkish
makams as well as in the character of the minute melodic ornametations
which identify the doina. In actuality, the term doina includes a number
of subtypes, the hora lunga of Maramures, being one of the most distinctive.
In addition there are other variant types called haiducesti, de codru,
de jale and ca pe lunca, for example.
Of these the type, ca pe lunca is of particular interest. As it name implies
it is a form associated with the Danube plains region - from the word
lunca, meaning the plains. The region thus identified includes the Danube
regions of the provinces (judet,) of Dobrogea, Muntenia and Oltenia. This
special form of the doina has an expressive quality and a particular melodic
style which is generally associated with the performances by Gypsy musicians
from that region. While the melody of the ca pe lunca is characteristically
in free rhythm, its accompaniment can be in the slow halting pattern of
the Danubian plains schioapa, or in a fast even pulse which allows the
melody to float freely. It is significant that also from this same region
comes another form, the cīntec de dragoste, or doina de dragoste. This
is recognized as a newer and somewhat more popular form derived from the
doina of Muntenia and Oltenia.
The cīntec de dragoste is a song in free rhythm with a high degree of
ornamentation, like the doina itself. Coming from the region of the country
in which Gypsy musicians particularly dominate in providing music and
consequently influencing local popular styles, the cīntec de dragoste,
or "song of longing" manifests many of the stylistic and expressive characteristics
of the music of the Gypsies of the area. While the doina itself regularly
deals with the subject of love and longing in its texts, in the cīntec
de dragoste this becomes the identifying focus of all the songs in the
genre. The emphasis is on a somewhat more direct and lighter level of
expression than is common with the doina. Its appeal is considered much
more immediate than the more rustic yet often more profound doina. One
other distinctive characteristic of the cīntec de dragoste is that it
is usually accompanied by an instrumental ensemble and its accompaniment
is set in a fixed regular rhythm, in spite of the fact that the melodic
line itself, that is, the vocal or instrumental setting of the melody,
remains in the free rhythmic style of the doina.
Coming from
the lower Danube plains area of Romania and being recognized as a more
modern and popular form of the doina it was perhaps only natural that
the cīntec de dragoste should have been influenced by current fashion.
Usually performed by professional Gypsy musicians who already possessed
the strength of what remained of the Turkish musical tradition in Romania,
the flavor of the Turkish makam system was imprinted on these songs along
with the highly expressive and personal style of Gypsy interpretation.
During the last years of the 19th Century and the early years of the present
new popular music forms were developing in the cities of Romania, particularly
those in Muntenia and Oltenia, such as Bucuresti and Craiova. In these
larger urban centers a new type of popular culture was evolving one which
drew from the Greek, Turkish and Armenian popular traditions of many of
the most recent inhabitants but then mixed with elements of popularized
Romanian sources such as the cīntec de dragoste. Meanwhile as Gypsies
were finally liberated from their status as slaves, many migrated to these
larger cities and settled in small enclaves surrounding the cites known
collectively as mahale. In these mahalale (plural) new variant forms of
the current urban popular styles also evolved.
While the cīntec de dragoste greatly influenced the evolution of new popular
song in Romania, it was also one of the very important influences on the
newly evolving song of the Gypsy mahalale. Like the cīntec de dragoste,
these urban Gypsy songs appeared to have been based first on doina like
vocal lines in free ornamented structure with a fixed rhythmic accompaniment
provided by a small band of Gypsy musicians, usually called a taraf in
Romanian. This urban Gypsy style of song came to be known by many names,
cīntec de petrecere, "songs of pleasure', cīntec de pahar, "songs of the
cup", or "drinking songs", and cīntec de mahala, "songs of the Gypsy enclaves",
the word implying something of the sense of slums with just a hint of
Romantic nostalgia. This genre is also sometimes referred to as cīntec
tiganeste or "Gypsy song". However, under recent Romanian State policy
the word Gypsy was forbidden - officially there were no Gypsies in Romania,
although there are officially recognized groups of Saxons, Swabians and
Hungarians - so in any document approved by the State, even for example,
a record jacket, the term Gypsy is avoided. It is interesting that neither
the sizable communities of Turks and Tatars nor even the Jews living in
Romania were recognized either.
The cīntec de pahar, to use the most frequently used of the current possible
terms for the urban Gypsy song, continued to evolve in the Romanian cities
and appears to have expanded to include vocal settings of Gypsy dance
forms like the hora and eventually to also include vocal setting of other
forms of Romanian music as well as a few foreign songs. Although songs
originating outside of the doina-cīntec de dragoste style do certainly
exist within the scope of the modern cīntec de pahar, what is not clear
is to what degree they may have been a part of the earliest evolution
of this style around the beginning of the present century. From a historical
evolutionary sense it seems much neater to think of the doina-cīntec de
dragoste as the line of first evolution from which other parameters of
the genre were later added, but this is not yet possible to determine.
There are significant stylistic differences between the cīntec de pahar
and the cīntec de dragoste genres notwithstanding the fact that the two
genres are often blurred in particular when they are performed by the
same Gypsy musicians. The most immediately noticeable characteristic is
the presence of melodic types more closely akin to the makam system of
Turkey in the cīntec de pahar. The proximity of the Gypsy creators of
this style as well as their audiences to the more strongly Turkish/Greek
strains of the big cities, in large part, explains this. In addition,
however, the cīntec de dragoste has a distinctively light popular, more
easily accessible quality when compared to the cīntec de pahar. By contrast
the mood and style of the cīntec de pahar seems more personal, deeper
in its range of expression and to bear a closer affinity to the doina
itself in its character.
One important characteristic of performance used by urban Gypsy singers
in Romania is the choice of a thin light voice quality which permits graceful
maneuvering of the delicate ornamentation of the melody so much preferred
by them. This thin mellifluous voice quality does not, perhaps, strike
one as necessarily Turkish upon first hearing. Today the most famous exponents
of the urban Gypsy singing style are females, Gaby Lunca and Romica Puceanu
being the most widely appreciated. However, until just a few years ago
there were male Gypsy singers who used their voices in this same thin
high pitched style, something for which there is no known precedent in
Romanian folk music and yet something not unusual in old Greek-Turkish
popular music. The most famous of the singers in this style being the
celebrated nai player, Fanica Luca, and the late Siminica. Male Gypsy
singers would employ this technique whether they were singing cīntec de
dragoste or cīntec de pahar while also employing in both styles, an ornamentation
style strongly tinged with the Greek-Turkish popular flavor.
In the performance of the cīntec de pahar as with the cīntec de dragoste
the accompanying ensemble supports the free, lyric melody with the fixed
and regular quadruple pattern of the Gypsy style hora. Over this the vocal
melody seems to float, yet so clear and firm is the rhythmic accompaniment
that it is only by listening carefully that one notices that the total
number of measures in any phrase is likely to be irregular and that there
at each return of the melody in any performance, the number of measures
required for each phrase may vary greatly. the number of measures during
which the accompaniment continues to sustain any particular harmony is
determined by how long the singer decides to hold the particular pitch
which is being harmonized. The unit of time by which this adjustment between
the free vocal and the fixed accompaniment are added is the measure.
Although there is no particular name use to denote the distinction, the
cīntec de pahar actually fall into three distinct types. In all of these
three types the vocal melody is in various degrees of free rhythm over
a fixed rhythmic accompaniment. Type one resembles the cīntec de dragoste
with its more lyrical clear melodic contour. This type tends be set with
slower tempos in the accompaniment and could be described as an urban
Gypsy form of the popular Romanian cīntec de dragoste.
Type two resembles
type one in its general similarity to the cīntec de dragoste, that is
in its use of slower tempos under the free melodic line of the voice.
Type two however is characterized by the use of a special rhythm in the
accompaniment called tiitura de of. In this case, it is actually identified
as such by the musicians who provide this accompaniment. This name derives
from the word of, used frequently as an exclamation in songs of this type
to express grief or longing. Among the Gypsy audiences of Romania, particularly
in the larger cities, the distinctively staggered rhythms of the cīntec
de pahar set in type two are the most popular and most frequently heard
also in instrumental settings.
The third type of
cīntec de pahar uses a fast tempo of accompaniment under a highly ornamented
melodic line which is closer to the folk doina in character but with distinctive
urban Gypsy melodic tendencies. In this type, the generally fast tempo
of the accompanying harmonic structure minimizes the disruption which
might otherwise occur between voice and accompaniment.
As one listens
to these three types of Gypsy song it is only gradually that one becomes
aware that the melody is really a free doina and the fixed rhythm of the
accompaniment is free in relation to the melody line. Yet the fixed rhythm
contains the harmonic element which supports and delineates the melody
of the vocal line. Since the singer is free to extend any note as long
as needed for the balance of the overall phrase, the number of measures
during which the harmony must continue varies accordingly. Thus this form
is identified by a relationship between the melody and the accompaniment
which is at the same time both free and fixed.
Thus the roots of these forms of Romanian urban Gypsy song are mixed with
elements of Romanian folk Doina and then overlaid with various popular
urban stylistic elements, notable among these are the Greek and Turkish.
As a style which is strongly Romanian in its fundamental form and character,
nonetheless in its incorporation of such foreign elements as were popular
during the period of its development, these forms of the cīntec de pahar
also represent what may be at the limits of the furthest cultural outreach
of Ottoman Turkish cultural influence.
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